POST GLOBALIZATION
COMMENTARIES 2001-2007
MADE IN CHINA
THE TWO SOULS OF TURKEY
THE NEW GLOBAL CINEMA
MAKING GLOBALIZATION WORK
DE-GLOBALIZE THE JIHAD
THE THIRD WAVE'S THIRD WAY
PLANET OF SLUMS
THE GLOBAL IDEOLOGY
OF FEAR
THE OTHER
POST-NATIONAL
LITERATURE
COLLAPSE OR MASSIVE
CHANGE?
THE RISE AND FALL OF
AMERICA'S SOFT POWER
THE SCIENTIFIC IMAGINATION
PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
THE HEADSCARF CONTROVERSY
SCULPTURE AND THE
NEW SCIENCE
BIOTECH AND THE
NEW BABEL
WAR THROUGH THE
BACK DOOR
ANTIAMERICANISM
THE RISING SOFT POWER
OF CHINA & INDIA
THE BUSH DOCTRINE
FAIRNESS IN A FRAGILE
WORLD
AMERICA'S MIGHT
ISLAM IN THE 21ST CENTURY
ANTIGLOBOS
HOT PEACE
MODUS VIVENDI
LOOKING NORTH
FROM WELL HAVING TO
WELL BEING
POST-HUMAN HISTORY
GLOBAPHOBIA
THE GLOBAL MIND
AFTER KOSOVO
FROM VIETNAM TO KOSOVO
DEGLOBALIZATION?
THE RISE OF THE MEDIA-
INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX
BOOM [NUCLEAR] AND
[BUST] ECONOMIC IN ASIA
BEYOND CAPITALISM
ASIAN CRISIS
CHINA: THE ASIAN
RENAISSANCE
SLOW IS BEAUTIFUL
ECLIPSE OF THE BIG
PICTURE
AFTER THE END OF
HISTORY
THE EAST IS RED AGAIN
HALF-A-HEGEMON
THIRD WAVE TERRORISM
HEIMAT
Fall 1987
Winter 1987
Spring 1986
Fall-Winter '84-'85
Spring 1984
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To Win War on Terror, We Must Also Win Peace
With Development
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is president of the Philippines.
Manila-As focus shifts from the campaign in Afghanistan
to where the anti-terror fight goes next, the Philippines has become an
important part of the picture.
Long before September 11, the Philippines fought terrorism on its soil
and gained the upper hand, isolating terrorist insurgents to a few small
islands. We have felt the pain of terrorism firsthand and knew it must
not spread to the rest of the world. That is why we were the first in
Asia to lend our support to the international coalition.
Although we have been engaged in a protracted campaign to destroy the
Abu Sayyaf terrorists in a remote island in southwestern Philippines,
the arrival of United States anti-terrorist trainers and several hundred
support troops for joint military exercises has garnered world attention
and stirred up passion among a vocal minority of our citizenry. Old rhetoric
reminiscent of the debate over the closing of US bases and even Vietnam
has again surfaced.
Because I believe in the imperative to wipe out terrorism I took the politically
risky action of recommending that this year's annual joint military exercises
with the US adopt a program of enhancing the capability of Filipino soldiers
to fight terrorism. This will help us go the last mile in destroying the
Abu Sayyaf terrorists.
The US will be in the Philippines to provide intelligence assistance,
including operation of sophisticated tracking equipment. Even though,
in my view, the circumstances exist for the US forces to be lawfully engaged
in combat, we have taken the policy decision for them not to do so.
We consider the Abu Sayyaf to be terrorists of the kind identified by
the international coalition as the enemy. We have incontrovertible proof
of their linkages to foreign terrorist groups, including Al Qaeda, at
least until 1995, when we thwarted a plot to bomb American Airlines. This
subsequently led to the arrest of Ramzi Yousef, who was later convicted
of involvement in the first World Trade Center bombing.
With the recent seizure of a large cache of arms and explosives and the
arrest of an Indonesian citizen, we have also now been made aware of the
existence of terrorist cells all across our region.
The solution to terrorism, however, rests not only in sophisticated intelligence
and modern weaponry, but in addressing the conditions on which terrorism
finds sustenance-despair, exclusion and hopelessness born out of poverty
and intolerance, which make people vulnerable to the siren song of extremism.
We have put a face on terrorists, and now we must put a face on the poor.
To eliminate terrorism we must also eliminate poverty. If we do not, the
breeding ground of resentment will begin again to plague another generation.
In the uplifting sight of Afghan women crying in joy over their liberation
from the cruelties of the Taliban, we see the shadow of the struggles
to come in making Afghanistan a viable state and working economy.
Multiply Afghanistan's situation to about one-fifth of all humanity, and
we can imagine the scale of the challenge. According to the World Bank,
half the developing world-some 2 billion people-live in countries that
have seen little growth in the last two decades. And even those in developing
countries that have been doing well, hundreds of millions of people are
marginal to the progress of growth.
This 20 percent are the constituency to whom terrorists and extremists
sing their siren song-with great success. This is why I am anxious that
the flush of military action in Afghanistan does not stop at the edge
of this larger struggle against poverty.
For any new initiative against poverty to succeed, developed and developing
countries alike must accept new responsibilities to go with the new opportunities.
Poor countries must meet the challenge of adopting standards of transparency
and accountability and building market economies so as to become real
partners in investment and trade.
In the Philippines, we are doing that. Our vision for economic development
is based on a reform plan aimed at eliminating extreme poverty within
the decade. That plan hinges on four components: an economic philosophy
of free enterprise appropriate to the 21st century; a modernized agricultural
sector founded on social equity; support for the disadvantaged in our
economic growth plan (with microcredit programs to lift 150,000 families
a year from poverty); eliminating corruption in government, which is,
without saying, the precondition for success in all these areas.
These challenges are not unique to the Philippines. As a leader of a developing
country that has made a commitment to democracy and markets, I have been
resolute in implementing essential reforms without which international
assistance will do little good. The answer to globalization is to get
productively engaged in the world economy, not to withdraw from it. In
turn, developed countries must recognize their duty to open their markets,
transfer resources and reform international institutions. It is a fact
that how rich countries manage their economies determines stability in
the world's financial system and the availability of resources for development
in the poor countries.
A new kind of war requires a new kind of peace. The hallmarks of any new
global alliance to alleviate poverty must be market-driven, solve a real
human problem and demand accountability from those nations that benefit.
It cannot be the same old formula of handouts to the have-nots. Rather,
it must be a hand-up for the self-reliant.
We have reason to cheer that the ongoing war against terrorism is making
significant progress. But victory in this struggle does not depend only
on winning the battles of this war. We must also win the peace. If anything,
globalization means that, in both war and peace, we are all linked.
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